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New small scale industries were established especially in the areas of food and metal industries. Good housekeeping i s the traditional ideal subsistence-oriented households.❿


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HSE no. KG Destaco no. The study on Rural small scale industries in Bendel North and their role in rural development has revealed a boom in small scale industries such a s bakeries. The existence of med” ium sized urban c e n t r e s which retail different raw materials has enabled the research area to benefit greatly in terms of raw material production, distribution and generation of employment Segynola, ; X-xii.

The study of separate groups of bloc moulders in Benin City revealed that performance was superior under conditions of goal setting and supervision than “in no goal situations with supervision”. To the Nigerian manager, the result of the s t u d y implies that goal setting and supervision act jointly to motivate and maximise the performance of the workers Ebegbe, Mbagwu classified indigenous small scale industries into two categories, namely i those concerned with processing of raw materials into intermediate o r finished.

He highlighted the intellectual and the policy neglect of indigenous small scale industries and their significant roles but lacked statistical data to support his argument. The experience of Western Germany shows that small scale industries play important roles in the economy. For example, the recent statistics number 1. The small scale industries provide 2 out of every 3 jobs, 4 out of every 5 apprenticeships and half of the gross national products GNP.

Entrepreneurs of these industries a r e creative and take risks in times of crises. In the early s, unfavourable economic conditions forced some large scale industries to close down, retrench workers or render them redundant, whereas small scale industries expanded, and are still expanding.

Between the first q u a r t e r of and the first q u a r t e r of , they created , new jobs in Western Germany Scala, The Japanese experience i s another ethnographic case of how the Japanese government encouraged small scale industries in agricultural and in many industrial sectors. The Japanese successes in rapid and effective industrialisation is strongly correlated with the adaptation of indigenous small scale industries into contemporary manufacturing companies, on the one hand, and the incorporation of ideas of the g, the family system, in organising t h e large industries, on the other.

These make the workers have a feeling of family solidarity by introducing welf a r e , and promotional systems that motivate workers into putting their best i n their companies Beardley, Hall and Ward, Contemporary large scale industries in Nigeria The strangulation of small scale industries in colonial and post-colonial e r a made room for the take-over of the economy by the transnational and government-owned industries.

Some studies of the large scale industries done at state levels show that they a r e inefficient and wasteful e. Anao, Between and , about state-owned limited liability companies were registered in Bendel State to pursue activities in industrial and commercial sectors.

They include cement, glass and textile industries; brewery industry; insurance, banking, clearing houses and consultancy; woodwork; laundry; supermarkets and gambling industry.

These economic activities were traditionally reserved for the private entrepren e u r s. By the end of the decade, the state-owned industries started to collapse and were consequently criticized by the public for poor perforrnance. In his effort to find out the causal f a c t o r s , Anao conducted an indepth study of the Bendel Construction Company Limited. He discovered that the company failed because of lack of clear and rational objectives for investments coupled with the appointment of successive boards of directors who were ill-equipped and unsuitable for the needs of the company Anao, He also criticized the structural organisation of the company a s faulty though he did not state the nature of the human relationship which is pursued for effective management and production.

Limited in Owerri Imo State and in Enugu Anambra State shows the effects of traditional values of et’ticiency of Western bureaucratic style of organisation. According to Eke , in Hardel and Enic Nig. L t d , there is a peaceful coexistence of both traditional values as ignored by Max Weber, and bureaucratic values as postulated by him.

These two values operated simultaneously and effectively in most of the activities in the firm, e. What Max Weber regards as detrimental to the efficiency of bureaucratic organisation in the West is what the managers and subordinates of Hardel and Enic Nig.

Ltd appreciate most in the firm Eke, In Hardel and Enic Nig. Ltd, traditional cultural values of workers were integrated into the cultural values of Western bureaucracy. These have the positive effect of ameliorating the rigidity of Western bureaucracy, and making work more meaningful and acceptable for the workers.

Consequently, they a r e able to perceive the firm as their personal property that should be protected at all costs. This i s similar to the situation in Japanese firms a s described b y Linhart The relevance of indigenous economic organisations to Nigeria Small scale industries establish face-to-face relationship between the boss and the subordinates similar to kinship relationship obtained in indigenous economic organisations which a r e organised in small groups of k i n s , relations and friends.

This type of network enhances high motivation to work among workers. Workers have a feeling of belonging at workplaces, and accept slogans such a s i The work i s “our work” and not “Oyibo work”, and ii S.

The positive attitude towards work found in indigenous industries i s diametrically opposed to the negative type found mostly in big companies for various reasons such a s : impersonal relationship established in the name of bureaucracy and lack of cultural relations which a r e found in small scale industries. The effectiveness and adaptability of small scale industries to the changing fate of world economy is remarkable.

During the present economic depression that started around 1 9 8 0 , the Nigerian government introduced stringent economic measures to fight against the devaluation. The first industries to collapse were the large scale industries specialises in importation of raw materials and manufactured goods. The collapse of these large scale industries saw the boom of the small scale industries.

The manpower retrenched in various large scale i n d u s t r i e s , some unemployed school leavers and university graduates were absorbed into the existing small scale industries.

New small scale industries were established especially in the areas of food and metal industries. They began to make use of the local manpower and raw material resources which the large scale industries ignored d u r i n g the boom years. Spare p a r t s were re-conditioned and new ones made with interior metal t h e so-called Taiwan make in Anambra and Imo states especially Onitsha-Nnewi-Owerri-Aba axis.

The big Aladja and Ajaokuta iron and steel industries were unable to cope with the new situation. Ajaokuta was unable to produce flat iron sheets necessary for metal work which the small scale indigenous non-univer-. The small scale indigenous ‘engineers’ began to use scrap irons to make hoes, plates, iron and steel p o t s , boxes and machines and motor p a r t s.

Small scale meachanics, welders and vulcanizers emerged here and there and made it possible for private company and public vehicles to sustain the country’s transport system. While the Volkswagen Nigeria Ltd and the Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Ltd were contracting, the small motor-part makers and mechanics were expanding and even absorbing workers retrenched from the big companies.

This is the state of the present phase of the economy. It is at this stage that the Nigerian government came out with i t s small scale industry project which i s one of the four projects currently organised by the National Directorate of Employment in order to combat unemployment The main objective of the small scale industry project i s to encourage unemployment graduates and young entrepreneurs to establish small businesses, become self-employed, and provide employment for other workers Babangida, l; The Guardian 1 0.

The completion of the above requirements Nos i-iii present little or no problems to the applicants. However, concern should be expressed about requirement No i v which deals with comprehensive feasibility report of the proposed project. W appreciate the fact that comprehene sive feasibility report of any business project can be very expensive.

Given the financial predicament of the unemployed graduate, how can he afford such bills? Assuming that he finally presents a feasibility report of the proposed project, how authentic and genuine is i t , putting into consideration the high wave of corrupt and fraudulent practices which are prevalent in Nigeria?

These are some of the problems which should be addressed, especially by the planners, in order to achieve fruitful results. Furthermore, it is observed that loans are given to qualified unemployed individuals who have little or no experience of business management to s t a r t new businesses These loans should be given, instead, to existing established entrepreneurs of indigenous small scale.

It seems that in i t s present form the project i s organised on a n individual basis for those who can satisfy the requirements for selection, and not necessarily on developing and expanding the existing indigenous small scale industries. So, it is planned with the socio-cultural realities of Nigeria not taken into proper consideration. The project is saddled with western individualism and bureaucratic exigencies which are foreign to success and inimical to growth of indigenous small scale industries in Nigeria.

Conclusion It has been shown in this paper that indigenous economic organisations which a r e small scale are invaluable to the socio-economic and technological developments in Nigeria, and a s such should be encouraged to grow and prosper. In view of this, the following recommendations a r e made: 1 the Government should study the s t r u c t u r e and functions of indigenous traditional organisations and find ways of integrating them into the development plans, and ii the present method devised by the National Directorate of Employment to establish small scale industries i s inadequate from a cultural and sociological point of view and may not sustain the test of time a n d , a s such, should be restructured to reflect the needs of existing indigenous small scale industries.

Babangida, l. Eke, C. Nadel, S. Onwuejeogwu, M. Okiqbo, N. Segynola, A. Thesis ,. L ‘importance iconomique de t e l l e s e n t r e p r i s e s a e ‘ t i dimontree au Japon e t en A 2 Leqagne, e t L’e-cpdrience nige’riane r i c e n t e confirme q u ‘ s t i e s contribuent davantaqe au de’ueloppement sn raison de leur enrac-inement dans l a euLdeux r e ture povu’iaire.

L’auteur fd? The Gaia Atlas and the Worldwatch Institute’s State of the World are circulating in more than a dozen languages, the Annual report of the World Resources Institute stands in easy reach of enlightened UN officials, and environmentalists across the world hail the report of the BrundtlandCommission as high-level testimony to their claims. I should show gratitude and relief. It i s t r u e , the curtain of silence is finally pulled away from the global survival crisis and a series of data and tables reveal the vast panorama of today’s threats and perils.

The evidence i s indeed undebatable. Also the appeal for urgent responsible action has been long overdue and cannot but command consent. Conversion i s indeed indispensable. Yet my admiration for the reports i s increasingly stained with mistrust in their effects.

The proposed policies of resource management, I am afraid, ignore the option of intelligent self-limitation and reduce ecology to a higher form of efficiency. Such a reductionism, I claim, implicitly affirms the universal validity of the economic world-view and will eventually spread further the Westernization of minds and habits, a cultural fall-out that in the long r u n also endangers the overall goal of sustainability. More out of less Each of the 80 odd Worldwatch papers, for example, paints a picture of the global state of affairs which looks roughly a s follows: On the one hand we see how more and more people with increasing- needs for food, shelter, health care or e n e r g y , a r e demanding to be recognized, as the population grows and some inequality is levelled.

On the other hand we are shown how economies squander their potential to meet these demands as they deplete resources, ruin the environment and drive up costs. The available means are diminishing, while needs become more pressing: what looms large in the picture i s a global sustainability squeeze. Fossil fuels, for instance, use up in one year what took a million years to produce, overburden the atmosphere with carbon dioxide, and prove to be more costly than investing in saving energy.

The misuse ot water supplies deprives humans, animals and plants of a basic means of survival, pollutes the earth’s reserves for a long time to come, and new water works c a r r y a multi-billion dollar price tag. Examples abound. Fortunately enough, t h e Worldwatch people s a y , the pict u r e i s not completely gloomy, but shows a streak of light in the distance. Shifting to less harmful means and concentrating on efficiency.

Renewable fuels and fine tuning through conservation and careful management are typical r e sponses which point to the desired t a r g e t : resource efficiency. Indeed, if one were to suggest a motto to be engraved above the entrance of the Worldwatch Institute, the obvious choice would be “More Out Of Less”. I will not doubt the necessity of this approach nor will I quarrel with the soundness of the alternative solutions suggested. But i would like to draw attention to a hidden reductionism which t u r n s ecological politics from a call for new public virtues into a set of managerial s t r a tegies.

As with a pair of pliers where p r e s s u r e is relieved by yielding the grip of both p a r t s , there are two possibilities to move out of the dangerous squeeze between growing demand and insufficient means: to consider an enlightened restraint of demand on the one hand and to deal diligently with the available means on the other. The world watchmen, however, highlight only the second alternative and allow the first alternative to sink into oblivion.

In their r e p o r t s , they alert to the efficiency of means, elevating the rules of micro-economics to imperatives for national and even global policy. Certainly, by doing so they spearhead the transition from an output-centered to an input-centered economy where not all resources are lavished on boosting the G N P but utilized with utmost efficiency in o r d e r to obtain growth without slag and d r o s s.

Under the new prescriptions, economies are supposed to “work out” until they reach overall fitness, instead of simply putting on more muscle until they break some record, as in the decades after the war.

Optimizing, not maximizing, i s the order of the day, and both engineers and economists take renewed pleasure in their trade puzzling out the minimum input for each unit of output. Yet, disregard for t h e first alternative – to consider an enlightened restraint of supply-oriented demands – t r a p s the world watchmen into the economic world-view. In such a perspective, each society p u t s production highest on i t s list of values and seeks the good life through expanding and accelerating the economic apparatus.

As the reports rarely question the predominant position of the economy in society, they implicitly take for granted that the world’s cultures converge in the steady desire for more material production.

This prejudice b a r s the way to examining closer – even for the overindustrialized countries of the North! Failing to do t h a t , the reports seem to consider less cornmodity-intensive, less professionalized, less speedy societies inherently deficient. Since they are unable to imagme diverse cultures that intentionally live on intermediate levels of material demand, they cannot but make the economic outlook appear a s the natural mode of human living.

Consequently, the view on the globe they propose continues in the tradition of “development” to assume that all circumstances have first to be judged according to the imperative of production, be i t even environmentally rational production. Ecological politics, however, which take the steady growth in demand for g r a n t e d , and limit themselves to propagating efficient means, fall into the t r a p to p u s h , in the name of ecology, for the f u r t h e r rationalization of the world.

Resources everywhere The myopia of conventional economists has become proverbial. While staring at the role of capital and labour, they ignore many other sources of wealth and well-being: from the unpaid labour of women backing up the world of production, to the silent workings of nature replenishing water, nutrients and energy.

Eco-developers set out to overcome this tunnel vision; they prospect the broad range of lifesupporting factors to assure the sustainability of yields over the long term. Through their glasses, numerous things and actions which so far had been taken for granted as part of ordinary life acquire a new, dramatic significance: they change into valuable resources.

Cow dung for example, kindled b y the Senegalese peasant to heat water in the cooking p o t , suddenly becomes an energy resource; the scrap metal used b y a Peruvian squatter to build an annex to his hut takes on the dignity of a recoverable i n p u t ; Kenyan women cultivating village fields a r e discovered to be human resources for boosting food production. Und e r Worldwatch e y e s , more and more p a r t s of the world assume a new s t a t u s , they are disembedded from their local context and redefined as resources.

In what new light, however, do actions, things and people appear when they are redefined a s “resources”? Obviously they acquire importance because they a r e considered useful for some higher purpose. They count not because of what they are but because of what they can become. They a r e stripped of their own worth in the present in o r d e r to be stripmined for somebody else’s use in the future. A resource i s something that has no value until it has been made into something else.

Whatever i t s intrinsic value, it fades away under the claim of superior interests. For more than years tlie term “resource” has been used to survey the world for useful inputs into industry. Consequently, perception has been trained to look at forests and see lumber, at rocks and see o r e , at landscapes and see real estate, at people and see human resources. To call something a “resource” means to place it under the authority of production. The old-fashioned synonym for “resources” reveals clearly how language can impart destiny: what can you do with “raw materials” except finish them in a manufacturing process?

But not just any productive use can make something a resource. While the peasant in Gujarat may use cow d u n g to fertilize his plot, i t becomes a resource only in t h e framework of national production. It i s in national o r global accounting books that resources are specified, measured and assessed according to their relative productivity; it i s the capacity to boost GNP that constitutes a resource.

Calling something a resource endows it with the availability to be exploited for the national interest. In a non-economic perspective, things often have a meaning which makes them resistant to unlimited availability.

For instance, in a Hindu village there is always a holy tree or a sacred grove which is untouchable. Gods a r e said to reside in their shadow; to cut them as timber would deprive the village of mighty protection.

Consider another example: From Bolivia to ancient Germany, mines were regarded as wombs of Mother Earth where metals grow in slow gestation. Entering this underground world with i t s mysteries meant crossing a treshold into a domain. Responsibility and care were required, and rituals were performed in order to ask for Mother’s generosity. Cooperation of nature also had to be obtained by the NorthAmerican Cree when they went hunting deer.

For them, animals were not game out there to be killed, but had to be convinced, in a dialogue of rites and offerings, to present themselves to the h u n t e r s. Indeed, hunting was an exchange between animals and man that was governed by friendship, coercion o r love, like an ordinary human relationship. In sum, understanding t r e e s , rocks or animals as animated beings in a wider cosmos where each element possesses i t s separate but related identity, entailed intrinsic limits on exploitation.

Labelling things as “resources” takes off whatever protective identity they may have and opens them for intervention from the outside. Looking at water, soils, animals, people in terms of resources reconstitutes them as objects for management by planners and for prizing by economists. Even if they are renamed “resources” in o r d e r to maximize their efficient u s e , because of the cultural fall-out from the all-embracing economic cloud, i t will, in the f u t u r e , be much more difficult to have any intrinsic respect for them.

Never enough The clock, we are warned, shows five minutes to twelve. Or even less. Be it Gaia, Worldwatch or Brundtland, they set off the alarm and seek to alert u s against the threat to the survival of the planet.

The message is fully credible. But the conclusion i s highly double-edged: ‘ s e c u r i n g survival” is the proclaimed target for all responsible planning.

However, has there e v e r been a society whose primary concern was survival? Probably not. Nomads might have fled d r o u g h t s , Florentine citizens may have hidden from the plague, soldiers in Verdun might have mobilized their last r e s e r v e s , b u t when has e v e r been proposed that society’s s t r u c t u r e should be geared towards securing s u r vival?

Of course, previous cultures never deliberately neglected the requirements of survival, but neither did they pay them much attention. Whatever their customs and rule, whatever their obsessions and fantasies, the conditions of physical existence were met in the course of the culture’s pursuit of higher goals. Survival was nothing else than the by-product of greater achievements. It was not an explicit concern, but a given banality. Yet, precisely in the historical epoch where riches have been amassed a s never before, eco-developers from all four winds raise their voice and call upon people and governments to put survival f i r s t.

A glance into the various Worldwatch papers and yearbooks recalls the most recent p a r t of the story how plenty vanished and scarcity assumed command.

A short time ago it could be taken for granted that the great cycle of evaporation, condensation and precipitation fully replenished o u r sources of water, but overpumping for irrigation, which makes the water level d r o p , and pollution from i n d u s t r y , which r e n d e r s i t unsafe, have today turned fresh water into a scarce good.

Since time immeniorial, legions of insects and worms have renewed the topsoil, but pcsticicles and overuse of marginal land now accelerate the rate of erosion. And so it goes for global rainfall f o r e s t s , s u n radiation ozone hole. Plenty turned into scarcity as industrial and agricultural production were intensified and generalized around the globe. The threat to survival i s the result – one i s embarrassed to state the obvious – of the increasing identification of the good life with the availability of material products.

Scarcity, therefore, is one side of a coin whose reverse side is called open-ended production. An emerging tribe of eco-experts, however, defines i t s field of expertise by focusing the spotlight on the first side of the coin leaving the second in the shadow.

As the World Resources Institute programmatically states on the first page of i t s report: “The global environment i s an interconnected web.. The human race relies on the environment and therefore must manage it wisely”. Clearly, the “therefore” is the c r u x of the matter: t h e scarcity of what was once plenty i s sealed and meant to be the base for a new type of management. While the supposition in the statement holds t r u e for all cultures, i t s conclusion highlights the hidden axiom of the economic worldview: there will be no boundaries to material progression.

It is only when this axiom reigns that water, air and soil become and remain scarce. Taking the scarcity of natural riches for granted, however, is the base for the ecodeveloper’s intervention: i t becomes his task to monitor and manage what has now turned into a scarce resource.

And it will require all his professional skill to steer a course along that optimal level of exploitation which does not jeopardize t h e sustainability of f u t u r e growth. To rally around “survival” happens only in a society which i s driven by the imperative of continuously testing the limits of nature.

Any other couldn’t care less. By putting on the glasses of micro-economics, i. Since the time of Jevron and Walras, means a r e for the economist principally insufficient; their scarcity appears a s part of the natural o r d e r of things and no longer as caused by some particular, transient constellation where ends happen to outstrip means. Instead, the presumptuous expectation of 19th century Europe that wants, along the supposedly linear course of history, will continuously expand rendering means notoriously insufficient, has entered the nature of things as an implicit axiom, whenever economists seek to make the best out of so-called scarce means.

They will never tell you what ends you will finally achieve “managing wisely” your means; for them ends a r e faceless, they have only one, just formal character: they a r e infinite.

For the economic world-view, needs will always become claims on material production. Well-being, in this perspective, is recast a s wellhaving. Society’s welfare, therefore, depends in the first place on material output. Setting out to manage “global resources”, world watchmen imply the world-wide victory of this specifically modern outlook as a f a i t accornpli.

What separates them from the conventional economist, i s their straightforward recognition of environmental limits to production; what ties them nevertheless to the economic worldview, is the failure to appreciate cultural limits to the predominance of production, cultural limits that render production less important and consequently relieve also environmental pressure.

For them as well a s for the conventional. The many different ways to the good life a r e implicitly reduced to the one single racetrack towards a higher standard of living. If societies always expended all their energies on pushing production, there would never have been the strikingly coloured fabrics in Senegal, nor the extravagant Moghul gardens in India, nor any gothic cathedral in France.

As diverse a s these societies have been, they h a d , nevertheless, one thing in common: they aspired to something other than producing and spent their s u r p l u s on whatever g r a n d design. The West has decided to spend i t on multiplying o u t p u t ; eco-developers tacitly accept that formula for the entire globe. Always rational Throughout the Worldwatch p a p e r s , one frequently meets persons of a particular virtue.

When i t comes to collecting glass-bottles in separate containers, to replacing open fires with stoves, to introducing minimum tillage in place of soil-breaking plowing, o r to installing d r i p irrigation instead of canals, all these suggestions, as reasonable a s they may b e , propagate the gospel of efficiency. Amory Lovins provided a striking illustration of the eco-developer’s mood when he presented his audience with two light bulbs. Both lights were equally b r i g h t , although the conventional model uses 75 and the new one only 18 watts.

He explained: “We should get used to seeing the purchase of an electricity-saving device like constructing a tiny power plant in the home. The new bulb, in f a c t , is producing 57 negawatts, i. And the saved electricity can be sold to another client, making new power plants superfluous”. Indeed, this could nicely e x p r e s s the efficiency ethos in a nutshell: “Produce negawatts!

And this tends to blur the shift from the housekeeping to the efficiency ethos. Good housekeeping i s the traditional ideal of subsistence-oriented households. What i s t h e r e is not collected, preserved and reused: Food i s s t o r e d , tools are carefully maintained, furniture is handed down from generation to generation. Necessary possessions are fully u s e d , while outside p u r chases a r e kept to a minimum. Each coin i s turned over twice before it i s s p e n t , each transaction is carried out prudently, sometimes even with misgivings.

However, the point of good house-keeping is not economizing for the sake of investment, but saving for the sake of independence. Choice of an efficient means has nothing to do with keeping expenses down, but aims at obtaining a higher r e t u r n in o r d e r to liberate funds for f u r t h e r investments. Saving, in contrast, intends to keep market involvement at a low level in o r d e r to shield t h e domestic economy against p r e s s u r e from the larger economy.

Efficiency looks for opportunities, saving looks for security. Wlule the former implies infinite progression, the latter derives from a sense of enoughness. Both attitudes can easily conflict a s soon as a gain in efficiency would require money; the Indian peasant may, therefore, prefer to b u r n piles of cow d u n g , which involves no money expense, r a t h e r than buy a biodigest e r , though it uses less cow d u n g to obtain the same amount of heat.

More fundamentally, the peasant might not want to care at all, because he has other preferences in life. After all, the efficiency imperative demands leaving nothing idle and selecting – in terms of money, effort and environmental consequences – the least costly way to achieve a goal. Our peasant, however, might not be happy with the waterproof roof the “development” agency provided, and replace it with the t r a ditional roof of leaves and branches which requires major repairs each year.

After all, this roof repair is the occasion of the village’s weeklong festival! He is ready to be effective but not efficient. Since people are not fools, they will always intend to be effective and act so as to achieve a certain result. Yet efficiency can be way off, because the activity i s embedded in a web of other concerns. They may for instance use long hours every day to carry out customary visits to family members o r spend most of their money on elaborate festivities.

The call to efficiency disrupts the other priorities which deflect o r retard the technically one best way. Actions are often over-determined and serve a host of purposes; to t u r n mere effectiveness into efficiency means to delete the other concerns and to privilege the naked means-end relationship.

Once that privilege is erected, means count only as means; any consideration of context, quality, style or esthetics tends to become irrelevant. The model of rational choice, in fact, i s based on the assumption that means have been purified of any context, since they are considered to b e interchangeable according to the highest r e t u r n and calculable according to a single yardstick, generally either money o r energy.

Efficiency behaviour spreads at t h e expense of culture-guided behaviour; it undermines non-economic notions of the good and proper life. Certainly, interpreting the state of the world chiefly in terms of “resources”, “management” and “efficiency” may appeal to planners and economists.

But it continues to promote development a s a cultural mission and to shape the world in the image of the West. The reports do more than simply propose new strategies; they also tell people how to see nature, society and their own actions. The more their language i s adopted around the globe, the more difficult will it be to see nature in terms of respect and not a s a resource, society i n terms of the common good and not of production, and action in terms of virtue and not of efficiency.

To put it in a nutshell: they promote the sustainability of nature and erode the sustainability of cultures. And t h i s , for s u r e , will not benefit nature either.

Biolecnologia, E f n i n Gorul O l a r f : Modecni. Eccinomia canwuna d Peni. La luchade 10s La campeiinos paraquavos. Apdo Tlie theme of t h i s symposium i s a v e r y appropriate one: “Women’s voice in t h e NorthISouth Dialogue: S t r a t e g i e s for Interdependence and Solidar i t y “. But t h e mere concept of interdependence i s often connotated a s if t h e South had been and were more dependent on t h e North t h a n t h e o t h e r way r o u n d.

In my view, the North i s vitally dependent on the South in t h e situation a s i t i s now. The North h a s been exploiting and utilizing t h e South e v e r since t h e colonial e r a b e g a n , and h a s t h u s built i t s development into such a form that it relies heavily on t h e continuous flow of resources from South to North.

Now t h e North i s becoming o r making itself additionally depend e n t also on t h e T h i r d World markets and demand. Northern a n d S o u t h e r n , t h e outcome might b e s u r p r i s i n g : a f t e r a s h o r t period in a kind of s h o c k , t h e South would finally become really self-reliant and develop i t s life a n d institutions rapidly and independently.

But the Northern halt’ would really be i n trouble. However, once upon a time – in Finland, no longer ago than in my childhood – we were able t o live a decent life primarily on o u r own, with respect to both fuel and food supply. This gives an idea of the vulnerability of the kind of development we have created.

There a r e a lot more indications of i t s malignancy. As to solidarity, I will come later on to sisterhood, a s I would r a t h e r call it among women.

The industrial society through the eyes of women Through t h e y e a r s , development talks have been conducted a s if t h e development problems existed only in the South. I often call t h i s approach in t h e North ‘looking at the world through a telescope’. Women from t h e South have asked with good reason whether there a r e any problems in the North at all. Development i s taking place everywhere, for good o r t r y i s standing still.

In that process, we can also may be of great value in human terms. I would like aspects of industrial development a s they look from spective: for bad: no counlose things which to point out some t h e women’s p e r -. The microcosm of the family a s a social unit has dispersed, when many of i t s original functions have been t r a n s f e r r e d to public institutions, i n d u s t r y and business.

The nuclear family that remains is u n d e r p r e s s u r e from within and without. The work-load of women has constantly increased, despite t h e multitude of public services and the mechanization of housework.

In earlier d a y s , women worked only one – albeit long – s h i f t ; now, most of them do a double o r even triple shift. As a p a r t of t h i s development, large, centralized s t r u c t u r e s have emerged in societies. The economic, military, political and administrative s t r u c t u r e s have become more and more hierarchical, all of them wielding a great deal of power. At the head of all these s y s tems a r e men, i.

Women have lost most of their real power to influence by means of their own work and capabilities. Non-material human needs mutual r e s p e c t , dignity, meaningful work and life, t e n d e r n e s s , caring, n u r t u r e , human relations have been ignored in the economic p r o g r e s s , and t h u s satisfaction of these needs has been left to women, in addition to all their o t h e r duties.

Both women and n a t u r e a r e eventually raped! The military systems a n d t h e arms race mark t h e climax of the hierarchies. They imply total a b u s e of t h e scarce r e s o u r c e s available to humanity. All t h i s h a s taken place within t h e process of economic growth, prog r e s s in technology, a rising s t a n d a r d of public education, and intensification of production a n d consumption.

The a d v e r s e implications of t h i s development, many of which remain unseen due to a lack of awaren e s s among women a n d to t h e i r self-imposed adjustment to male terms in society, have been p a r t l y excused b y t h e favourable effects of t h a t same process. T h e questions to b e asked a r e , whether i t would b e possible to achieve t h e favourable r e s u l t s without paying s u c h a high p r i c e , o r whether t h e negative implications a r e so marked that t h i s kind of development should b e rejected altogether.

At least t h e p r o s a n d cons of t h e outcome should have been carefully weighed. And whatever t h e fair p r i c e , how could i t b e equitably s h a r e d between men and women, instead of being loaded principally onto women? This historical p r o c e s s was also discussed in t h e r e p o r t of t h e Asian a n d Pacific C e n t r e of Women and Development workshop, The women’s movement i n the V e s t passed through a period o f i n t e n s i v e , dramatic s o c i a l and economic change t h a t removed prod u c t i o n from t h e home, c o n t r i b u f i n q t o aeva’Luation o f uomen’s household production and household maintenance, t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from s o c i a l and economic power and resources, and t h e n o t i o n t h a t men work and women have b a b i e s.

T h e world economic c r i s i s h i t s women in North a n d South In recent y e a r s , t h e r e h a s indeed been a lot of evidence t h a t so-called development i s not necessarily “a girl’s b e s t friend”. T h i s i s t h e first occasion when t h e ON h a s really looked at development from t h e human point of view and not only from the economic point of view.

The recent example of the commonality of the consequences for women is the so-called world economic c r i s i s , or the debt problem. In the South, it has led to forceful p r e s s u r e on the governments to adjust their economies to the terms dictated by the International Monetary Fund.

In the North, it has led to so-called manageable structural change – the term used by the Finnish Government – which is in fact adjustment of the economies of the industrialized countries to the merciless terms of the international economy, and is hardly manageable at all by the national governments.

The consequences in the Third World are grave: the b u r d e n on women is increasing, instead of decreasing, infant mortality i s rising again, more and more babies are born underweight, and women are working h a r d e r than e v e r in order to keep life going at all. All s t r u c t u r a l adjustment policies are gender biased, since they ignore the unpaid labour of women.

This work, however, keeps society going. The t r u t h is that unpaid labour in villages and families is the final lifeline for people all over the world when macro-economic measures do not work o r may even collapse. At p r e s e n t , self-initiated activities are experiencing a remarkable revival and developing into a new wave of economic activity in many of the least affluent countries, when adjustment policies have failed.

Most of this activity is initiated and developed by women. In industrialized countries, the economic s t r u c t u r e s have grown rapidly in size and power in recent years. This implies t h a t they a r e less and less u n d e r the control of anybody, either the government o r the people.

People a r e manipulated into adjusting to the role of conspicuous consumers, who do not control even their personal n e e d s , let alone their lives o r their society. The children and youth a r e the victims of arrogant marketing and manipulation b y advertizing and entertainment industries, which reduces them to powerless puppets of competition and consumption.

Invisible economy In fact, the biggest common denominator for all the women in the world i s the invisibility of their unpaid labour in the national and international statistics – and in the minds of male calculators, planners and policy-makers.

Still, the policy planning implies that t h e r e are certain invisible hands to take care of the very basic personal needs – both material and non-material – of people, including men. The economists have a term for t h a t , reproduction of l a b o u r! The special characteristic of this labour i s that it actually becomes visible when i t i s not done.

This was the way Icelandic women demons t r a t e d their contribution to society on U N Day, 24th October , when they went on a total s t r i k e , doing neither paid o r unpaid work that day. The men had to make their breakfasts by themselves that morning, change the babies’ nappies, and take the children with them to their offices and factories o r stay a t home with them.

It would quickly be seen in a n y family of the ‘invisible h a n d s ‘ stopped working o r if t h e ‘invisible p l a n n e r and administrator’ went on s t r i k e. T h e life of t h e family would v e r y soon become unbearable a n d t h e home uninhabitable ‘.

A -new economics needed One can s a y that t h e world economic situation today demonstrates t h e b a n k r u p t c y of t h e Western economic philosophy.

The magnitude of t h e d e b t problem i s t h e s t r o n g e s t indication that something h a s failed profoundly in world development. The more t h e Finnish ent e r p r i s e s e x p a n d and become transnational, t h e less power the Finnish people have t o control t h e i r own economy and terms of life. It i s not only t h e sovereignty of t h e T h i r d World countries which i s being hijacked: t h e sovereignty of e v e r y c o u n t r y i s affected. W a r e all victims of the same inhuman international economic o r d e r.

But a r e t h e r e alternatives? Any o t h e r philosophy to explain and clarify t h e economics of human e n d e a v o u r s? I am not a n economist – t h e r e f o r e I can pose questions which economists d o not usually a s k. A v e r y basic question in my mind i s , whether it i s a value a s s u c h to b e able to control one’s own life? To what e x t e n t could i t be possible a n d on what terms? This question can b e asked also about a nation.

It i s a question of what self-reliance, independence, sovereignty and self-determination actually mean. Are t h e s e still t h e kind of cherished values that t h e y have been in p a s t human h i s t o r y , o r a r e we r e a d y a n d willing to give them u p a s t h e cost of material affluency, i n addition to o t h e r prices already paid, s u c h a s deterioration of non-material, cultural a n d spiritual p r o p e r t i e s of o u r lives?

What would b e a n adequate price – if any – to pay for a materially decent life, without giving up more of the basic values? How can we protect ourselves – a s individuals and a s nations – against being robbed of o u r dignity a n d self-determination just for the s a k e of conspicuous consumption a n d t h e power-greediness of t h e economic man? Is dependency automatically the necessary price for affluence?

The full picture of economy. In this figure. Hazel Henderson has illustrated what i s the actual foundation on which all nionetarized economy is built. For u s women, this could be a revelation in itselt. It gives due credit to the various components of the material bases of o u r lives – also the non-monetary ones. Only t h e proportions of the cake are debatable. F i r s t , the proportion of Mother Nature cannot b e measured. W can only say that it e is much bigger than what i s seen in the picture.

The second layer, consisting of all kinds of unpaid labour and production, i s different in different societies today, depending on their stage of monetarization. The top two layers also vary greatly in size, depending on the socalled level of development. In rich industrialized countries, the top layers are relatively bigger than in Third World countries.

The essential fact i s that the top layers rest on the lower layers: they could not exist without the base, comprising Mother Nature and the unpaid work of her daughters in delivering, nurturing and providing the basic care for young and old, male and female human beings.


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